While social anarchism sought to retain and strengthen community bonds, liberalism dovetailed nicely with the emerging capitalism. The social anarchist focus on community was one that sought to promote mutual aid, a focus which overlapped with the emerging socialist concepts of class consciousness, solidarity and internationalism. The liberal picture of competing, individual atoms working in their own self interest was the very antithesis of left-wing anarchism. But while social anarchists and socialists recognized that the working class would never gain substantive equality in a liberal political system, feminists came to realize that women would never gain gender equality in a patriarchal system that shut women out of public life. Describing the seeming contradiction between free and equal individuals and women enslaved to domestic life, anne Phillips writes: Denied entry by the front door, patriarchy crept in at the back. Instead of rejecting all forms of natural authority early liberals restricted themselves to saying that government and the family were separate realms (Phillips,.14).
Feminism - friesian School
In her study of the Owenite communities, jill Harsin would conclude that: the carryover of traditional lidt domesticity into communal society served to incorporate the inequalities of the old world into the new (Harsin,.82). This division continues to plague contemporary social movements. While many men acknowledge that women ought to be full partners in public life, they may not acknowledge that this requires an equal involvement of men in domestic life. Meanwhile, pierre-joseph Proudhon (first to adopt the anarchist label) would retreat further from the positions of the Utopians by considering the patriarchal family as the fundamental social unit (Marsh). And while bakunin sought full participation of women in public life, he did not differ from Marx or Engels in this respect. Both the state socialist and anarcho-syndicalist societies that were to materialize in the 20th century, failed to challenge the public/private dichotomy that often ended up doubling womens workload. As Martha Ackelsberg would write in a study of the Spanish revolution: the mainstream of the Spanish anarchist movement refused to acknowledge either the specificity of womens oppression or the legitimacy of separate struggle to overcome it (Ackelsberg,.118). As an outgrowth of classical liberal politics — with its emphasis on individual liberty — anarchism inherited from liberalism a consistent male bias. Not only were women minimally involved in the creation of both liberalism and anarchism, but also anarchism carried over from liberalism a series of hierarchical dualisms, sometimes muted, sometimes not. Thus, for instance, the public/private and the reason/emotion oppositions became part of both individualist anarchism, with its capitalist orientation, and of community-based social anarchism. Nevertheless, the concept of the individual that was emerging in social anarchism remained markedly different from the liberal one.
Anarchism and apple the public/Private Split. All right, dear comrade, when I have reached your age, the sex question may no longer be of importance. But it is now, and it is a tremendous factor for thousands, millions even, of young people. Emma goldman, arguing with Peter Kropotkin (Goldman,.253). While women in the nineteenth century grappled with the liberal/radical split, libertarians were debating the woman question. In England, early anarchist theorist William Godwin formed an alliance with pioneering feminist Mary wollstonecraft. Meanwhile in France, utopian Charles fourier would write social progress and changes of historical period take place in proportion to the advance of women towards liberty, and social decline occurs as a result of the diminution of the liberty of women (Beecher,.1). Similarly, early socialist Robert Owen, in detailing his utopian communities, could write both sexes shall have equal education, rights, privileges, and personal liberty (Harsin,.75). Unfortunately, practice indicated that good intentions were not enough, given the often hostile environment the Utopians worked.
— mirror a man-made, polarizing politics, she instead favors a women centered approach she terms integrative feminism. This would seek to unite revolutionary/evolutionary feminists to challenge worldwide systems of domination (Miles,. There are, she insists, large numbers. Feminists who, despite the wide diversity of their concerns and analyses, share a feminism that goes beyond pressure to represent an embryonic new politics of general relevance and universal significance (Miles,.20). Often, miles asserts, these feminists share more in common with each other than with others who share their specific label. However, as useful as integrative feminism is in uniting feminists, i think inevitably its own contradictions will arise. For instance, while opposing all forms of domination, it fails to clarify its relation with the state. My point here is not to dogmatically reject the state (or divide feminists but rather to seek out the implications for practice. Would all integrative feminists build community from the grassroots up or would some petition for statist institutions, not recognizing the inherently domineering word nature of the state?
Anarchist feminist theory has been neglected into our own time (and not least by male anarchists). Consequently, both anarchism and feminism have suffered. For example, few of the emerging socialist or radical feminists developed critiques of the nation-state itself. Predictably, before long, arguments in favor of the feminist State began to surface (MacKinnon). And while anarchist direct action tactics have long been an important part of the feminist movement, the number of explicitly anarchist feminist women remains small in comparison to the number of socialist, radical and liberal feminist women. A slightly different perspective on the contemporary liberal/radical split is offered by Angela miles. Recognizing that traditional divisions and frameworks — liberal, socialist, anarchist, black, etc.
On the uses of a liberal education
In her words, the contradiction between liberalism (as patriarchal and individualist in structure and ideology) and feminism (as sexual egalitarian and collectivist) lays the basis for feminisms movement beyond liberalism (Zillah Eisenstein,.3). Others are less certain. Bell hooks writes that the process by statement which this radicalism will surface is unclear.The positive impact of liberal reforms on womens lives should not lead to the assumption that they eradicate systems of domination (hooks,. To hooks, revolutionary impulses must freely inform our theory and practice if feminist movement to end existing oppression is to progress, if we are to transform our present reality (hooks,. In fact the roots of feminist radicalism extend back to (at least) the nineteenth century, when an earlier version of the liberal/radical split took place. Margaret Marsh in a recent study chronicles a previous anarchist feminist movement (Marsh). Foreshadowing the second wave radical feminists, with their conviction that the personal is political, these early anarchist feminists insisted that: female subordination was rooted in an obsolete system of sexual and familial relationships.
Attacking marriage often urging sexual varietism insisting on both economical and psychological independence and sometimes denying maternal responsibility, they argued that personal autonomy was an essential component of sexual equality and that political and legal rights would not of themselves engender such equality. (Marsh,.5 meanwhile, liberal feminists (typified by Elizabeth Cady Stanton) sought equality with men by pushing for ballot access. Only with the emergence of the anarchist feminists and early radical feminists did women come to challenge the public/domestic dichotomy. In the end, the suffragists won the day (and the vote and the private party sphere as a feminist issue was forgotten. And while Emma goldman and Margaret Sanger would continue to fight for birth control, sexuality became the realm of Freud and reich. As a political issue, sexuality had to await the likes of Kate millett or Shulamith Firestone in our own era.
Feminism and the liberal/Radical Split. The achievement of full freedom for women (all women, not a privileged few) presupposes such profound economic, social and political changes that, were such a historical development to take place, the present status quo could not and would not survive. Xvii minimally, feminism is a commitment to gender equality, a recognition that male domination exists and is wrong. It has its roots in the liberal tradition of the autonomous and freely choosing self. This tradition remains strong today and is well represented by liberal feminists.
These feminists believe equality can be achieved by modifying the present system through promoting greater equality of opportunity (increased educational and workplace access, etc.). Nevertheless, the sixties and seventies saw the emergence of new feminist radicalism of many varieties — radical, socialist, lesbian, black, anarchist, etc. Feminist radicals, in contrast to feminist liberals, believe that the entire system — patriarchal liberalism — is a flawed construct, designed by and for men in their own interest. Thus, for these feminists, feminism is nothing less than revolutionary. Unfortunately, since the media has only given access to mainstream or liberal feminism, the revolutionary potential of feminism has been obscured and degraded. Meanwhile, the significance of liberal feminism has been debated, with no consensus in the feminist community as to its meaning. Socialist feminist Zillah Eisenstein believes that the contradictions in liberal feminism — can women really be equals in the patriarchal liberal state? — will eventually work themselves out and point the way to a radically new society.
Which brand would you like?
However, with all this said, many of the presentation obstacles that keep men sexist are complex, ingrained, and relatively unexplored. We can make a commitment to feminist logic, gender equality, etc., but still not see how our behavior may be intimidating and arrogant. Even when we address the institutional factors (family, school, media, etc. the subtle (and not so subtle) effects of gender socialization remain. We still know comparatively little about childhood development and the construction of masculinities and femininities. But, while totally eliminating patriarchal behavior will take time, in the final analysis feminism is about human liberation. We will all benefit by a society that places a strong premium on caring and cooperation without resorting to threats of aggression or intimidation.
While a spectrum of opinion exists in the feminist community regarding the participation of men, most women welcome support. Sandra harding in her recent book insists that men can be resume feminists to allow for the possibility that white women can be antiracist. For her, men should adopt traitorous identities and develop a feminist standpoint (Harding,.288). Nevertheless, mens involvement in feminism (my own included) demands caution. Men love appropriating, directing, judging and managing everything they can get their hands on, writes Harding (p.280). Thus, only if we are aware of the dangers of coopting feminism into our own male agendas, only if we are willing to listen to womens voices, can we contribute to the feminist movement. After all, the point is to empower women.
discriminate — that I was able to look deeper into my own (white) male privilege. In family life, in schooling, in the job market, i almost always had the advantage over my female (and non-white) peers. My interest in feminism grew, and by reading feminist literature and novels I began to realize that my own future utopian visions were becoming increasingly women-affirmative and women-centered. While my anti-capitalist and antistatist orientations remained as strong as ever, i noticed a shift in my values toward a higher regard for caring, nurturing and intimacy. I had started to develop a feminist sensibility and found it easier to recognize in men patriarchal behavior that before had been invisible. I was finally understanding how the struggles of feminist women were benefiting. While Emma goldman pointed out that only women can free themselves from their internal oppression, men can play important roles by helping dismantle the externalities of patriarchy. By unlearning ones own sexism and then challenging the sexism of other men, we can help create a climate that fosters the full participation of everyone in all areas of life.
A theoretical commitment to an abstract and generalized equality leaves much unsaid — specially when this equality does not extend into the domestic realm. Many with anarchist analyses continue to ignore the reality of male domination, directing their critiques to commodity relations, capital and the state, or civilization. Whatever merits these critiques have, gender equality is either given a lower priority or supposedly follows naturally once we have developed the right way to think. The fact that unlearning sexism may require some effort is rarely addressed. Men in Feminism, men must struggle to create for themselves a kind of experience of their own gender location which male supremacy has forbidden. Sandra harding (.286). As a male, i had postponed my interest in feminism until after I had absorbed the politics of the ecological left. I had believed that the struggle for human freedom could be achieved almost entirely within male-derived arenas of thought (albeit with a sensitivity toward womens issues).
Metaphor, morality, and Politics - wwcd
A serious anarchism must also be feminist, otherwise it is a question of patriarchal half-anarchism, and not real anarchism. Anarchist Federation of Norway, as social anarchists we inherit a body of theory (based on experience) that appears to grow more powerful as time passes. For us an analysis of power relations that locates oppression in hierarchy and domination gives us insights into many contemporary social movements — insights that many in these movements may miss themselves. However, while we have the bare bones of an overarching social theory, we are obliged to learn from the new social movements in order to flesh out that theory. Thus we actively listen and learn from people of color about Eurocentrism and other forms of racism, from gay and lesbian activists about heterosexism and homophobia, from animal advocates about speciesism, etc. In this article we will look specifically at the feminist movement, both to see what an explicitly anarchist analysis can contribute to it, and also to see what we can learn about our own movement from feminism. Since male participation in feminism is somewhat business controversial, i begin with a section addressing my own involvement with this issue. And I conclude with some speculations concerning ecology as a future grounding for both anarchism and feminism. It would be an understatement to say that the anarchist movement — both historical and contemporary — is androcentric or male centered.